By Ian Morris
This publication indicates the reader how a lot archaeologists can examine from contemporary advancements in cultural background. Cultural historians take care of a number of the comparable concerns as postprocessual archaeologists, yet have constructed even more refined equipment for brooding about swap via time and the textuality of all kinds of facts. the writer makes use of the actual case of Iron Age Greece (c. 1100-300 BC), to argue that text-aided archaeology, faraway from being only a checking out flooring for prehistorians' types, is in truth within the most sensible place to increase subtle versions of the translation of fabric culture.
The publication starts off by means of reading the heritage of the associations during which archaeologists of Greece paintings, of the ideals which consultant them, and in their expectancies approximately audiences. the second one a part of the e-book strains the heritage of equality in Iron Age Greece and its courting to democracy, targeting altering principles approximately type, gender, ethnicity, and cosmology, as they have been labored out via matters with relationships to the earlier and the close to East. Ian Morris offers a brand new interpretation of the arguable website of Lefkandi, linking it to Greek mythology, and lines the emergence of significantly new rules of the unfastened male citizen which made the Greek type of democracy attainable.
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Extra resources for Archaeology as Cultural History words and Things in Iron Age Greece
34. 65 p. 168A: Phanodemos and Philokhoros and many others have recorded that in the olden days the Areiopagites used to summon before them the profligate and all those who could barely make ends meet and they used to punish them. 35. v. 69)…says this over someone who has died a violent death. And Istros in his Synagoge of the Atthides, speaking about Kephalos and Prokris, writes as follows: And some say that Erekhtheus fixed his spear down on the tomb (sc. of Prokris) (and) that he did this both * depositing and signifying his suffering, on account of the fact that it was lawful for relatives to pursue murderers in this fashion.
This tradition was undoubtedly the work of one of the Atthidographers, though it is impossible to say which one. It is not very likely to have been Hellanikos (see the discussion in Jacoby, Text: 380–9; Notes: 278–84), and certainly was not Philokhoros. The one sure conclusion we can draw from the garbled information of the Eusebian passage is that Philokhoros rejected the existence of any king of Attika before Kekrops, who was the first king of Attika in the view of most Atthidographers and Athenians (cf.
56–8) that one could excuse him for overlooking the contradictions and anomalies between the two (posited by Jacoby, Text: 407–10), unless they were more apparent than real (Sourvinou-Inwood 2003: 132–40). What we can see is that the account he presents combines into a coherent narrative two separate Athenian stories, one about the people (Pelasgians) who had built a wall around the acropolis and had later been expelled by the Athenians, the other about Miltiades’ capture of Lemnos from the Pelasgians about 500 BC.